名人經(jīng)典的演講稿

名人經(jīng)典的演講稿

　　演講稿可以提高演講人的自信心，有助發(fā)言人更好地展現(xiàn)自己。在現(xiàn)在的社會(huì)生活中，用到演講稿的地方越來(lái)越多，如何寫(xiě)一份恰當(dāng)?shù)难葜v稿呢？以下是小編為大家收集的名人經(jīng)典的演講稿，歡迎閱讀與收藏。

名人經(jīng)典的演講稿1

尊敬的各位評(píng)委、各位老師，親愛(ài)的同學(xué)們：

　　責(zé)任并不是一個(gè)甜美的字眼，它僅有的是巖石般的冷峻。一個(gè)人真正地成為社會(huì)一分子的時(shí)候，責(zé)任作為一份成年的禮物已悄然卸落在他的背上。它是一個(gè)你時(shí)時(shí)必須付出一切去呵護(hù)的孩子，而它給予你的，往往只是靈魂與肉體上感到的痛苦，這樣的一個(gè)十字架，我們?yōu)槭裁匆�背�?fù)呢？因?yàn)樗�最終帶給你的是無(wú)價(jià)的珍寶——人格的偉大。

　　20世紀(jì)初的一位美國(guó)意大利移民曾為人類精神歷史寫(xiě)下?tīng)N爛光輝的一筆。他叫弗蘭克，經(jīng)過(guò)艱苦的積蓄開(kāi)辦了一家小銀行。但一次銀行遭搶劫導(dǎo)致了他非凡的經(jīng)歷。他破了產(chǎn)，儲(chǔ)戶失去了存款。當(dāng)他帶著一個(gè)妻子和四個(gè)兒女從頭開(kāi)始的時(shí)候，他決定償還那筆天文數(shù)字般的存款。所有的人都勸他：“你為什么要這樣做呢？這件事你是沒(méi)有責(zé)任的。”但他回答：“是的，在法律上也許我沒(méi)有責(zé)任，但在道義上，我有責(zé)任，我應(yīng)該還錢(qián)。”

　　償還的代價(jià)是三十年的艱苦生活，寄出最后一筆“債務(wù)”時(shí)，他輕嘆：“現(xiàn)在我終于無(wú)債一身輕了。”他用一生的辛酸和汗水完成了他的責(zé)任，而給世界留下了一筆真正的財(cái)富。

　　責(zé)任的存在，是上天留給世人的一種考驗(yàn)，很多人通不過(guò)這場(chǎng)考驗(yàn)，逃匿了。很多人承受了，戴上了荊冠。逃匿的人隨著時(shí)間消逝了，沒(méi)有在世界上留下一點(diǎn)痕跡。承受的人也會(huì)消逝，但他們?nèi)匀换钪�，死了也仍然活著，精神使他們流芳百世�?/p>

　　責(zé)任，讓即將沉淪的浪子回頭；責(zé)任，讓弱不禁風(fēng)的幼苗逐漸承受風(fēng)吹雨打。

　　責(zé)任是苦澀的，是沉重的，然而，它也是一種愛(ài)，甚至是一種最為崇高的愛(ài)。

　　愿我們所有的人都把責(zé)任之心攜帶在人生的道路上，讓人生散發(fā)出淡淡的，金子般的光輝。

　　責(zé)任是一種使命，一種做人的態(tài)度。小而言之，在一個(gè)家庭里，作為父母，你要盡到做父母的責(zé)任；作為兒女，你同樣要盡到做兒女的責(zé)任。這是不可推卸的，是每個(gè)公民應(yīng)盡的責(zé)任。也是社會(huì)發(fā)展不可或缺的動(dòng)力，如果沒(méi)有了這種責(zé)任感，不敢想象社會(huì)會(huì)變成什么樣子？

　　同樣，在單位里，一個(gè)沒(méi)有責(zé)任心的職工，不會(huì)非常好的完成他份內(nèi)的工作。而一個(gè)沒(méi)有責(zé)任心的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)，會(huì)將單位領(lǐng)入歧途，甚至是失去生存的余地，從而走向崩潰的邊緣！

　　英吉利海峽矗立著阿爾威船長(zhǎng)的雕像。1870年3月17日的那次航海，由于機(jī)件故障，導(dǎo)致船艙大量進(jìn)水，就在人們驚恐萬(wàn)狀的時(shí)候，阿爾威船長(zhǎng)果斷而沉著的指揮使所有乘客和船員井然有序的轉(zhuǎn)移到救生艇上，而他——阿爾威船長(zhǎng)卻與客輪一起沉入了海底，他竟然忘了把自己列入待救的名單，這是何等的壯舉啊！在災(zāi)難來(lái)臨時(shí)，他不顧個(gè)人安危，把責(zé)任發(fā)揮的淋漓盡致，正是這種責(zé)任感，這種敢于承擔(dān)責(zé)任的舉止，使他成為被人尊重的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)而名垂千古！

　　《工作就是責(zé)任》一書(shū)讓我懂得了從我做起的重要性，工作無(wú)小事，把細(xì)小的事做得非常到位，大事自然就做好了。面對(duì)現(xiàn)實(shí)，唯一能夠改變的人就是自己，也就是說(shuō)最可怕的敵人其實(shí)正是自己。“什么叫做不容易？就是把容易的`事情反反復(fù)復(fù)得做到位，就是不容易。”這是張瑞敏說(shuō)的，這個(gè)道理其實(shí)再簡(jiǎn)單不過(guò)了，也確確實(shí)實(shí)是一個(gè)真理。一旦你踏上了一個(gè)崗位就選擇了一份責(zé)任、擁有了一份使命。要承擔(dān)職位賦予你的責(zé)任。就必須按時(shí)按質(zhì)完成負(fù)責(zé)的工作，做到領(lǐng)導(dǎo)在與不在一個(gè)樣，首先要清楚自己該承擔(dān)的責(zé)任，明白自己該負(fù)哪些責(zé)任，自己的責(zé)任是什么？沒(méi)有責(zé)任心的員工不是合格的員工，勇于承擔(dān)責(zé)任才會(huì)被機(jī)會(huì)垂青。既然我們選擇了一份工作，就要以事業(yè)之心做好它！經(jīng)驗(yàn)來(lái)自于經(jīng)歷，滿懷激情的投入到工作中，積極爭(zhēng)取，無(wú)論學(xué)識(shí)、能力與經(jīng)驗(yàn)的高低，只要以“責(zé)任能力”和“責(zé)任心”有效地承擔(dān)起自己的責(zé)任崗位，從現(xiàn)在做起，只要堅(jiān)持下去，一定就會(huì)成功！

　　工作中難免會(huì)遇到這樣那樣的問(wèn)題，當(dāng)遇到問(wèn)題和困難的時(shí)候，要主動(dòng)去尋找方法解決，而不是找借口回避責(zé)任。要堅(jiān)信方法總比問(wèn)題多！偉大的發(fā)明家愛(ài)迪生數(shù)百次的實(shí)驗(yàn)失敗都不能夠磨滅他的信心，當(dāng)一場(chǎng)大火燒毀了他的全部設(shè)備時(shí)，他沒(méi)有被嚇到，而是微笑著說(shuō)：“災(zāi)難有災(zāi)難的價(jià)值。我們的錯(cuò)誤被全部燒毀了，現(xiàn)在終于可以重新開(kāi)始了！”這種樂(lè)觀向上的態(tài)度，不正是對(duì)責(zé)任心最好的詮釋嗎？

　　老子說(shuō)過(guò)：“大必出于細(xì)”也就是說(shuō)再偉大的事業(yè)都是一系列小事構(gòu)成的，沒(méi)有小事就沒(méi)有大事。什么叫不簡(jiǎn)單，就是把簡(jiǎn)單的事情日復(fù)一日、月復(fù)一月得做到位，就是不簡(jiǎn)單！而我們面臨的工作正是簡(jiǎn)單的、枯燥無(wú)味的重復(fù)重復(fù)再重復(fù)，面對(duì)這些我們更要踏踏實(shí)實(shí)的做好每一項(xiàng)工作，從小事做起，小事中看責(zé)任，責(zé)任中無(wú)小事，對(duì)一位有責(zé)任心的人，小就是大！對(duì)待工作要大聲說(shuō)這是我的責(zé)任！

名人經(jīng)典的演講稿2

　　Youth is not a time of life; it is a state of mind; it is not a matter of rosy cheeks， red lips and supple knees; it is a matter of the will， a quality of the imagination， a vigor of the emotions; it is the freshness of the deep springs of life.

　　Youth means a temperamental predominance of courage over timidity， of the appetite for adventure over the love of ease. This often e_ists in a man of 60 more than a boy of 20. Nobody grows old merely by a number of years. We grow old by deserting our ideals.

　　Years may wrinkle the skin， but to give up enthusiasm wrinkles the soul. Worry， fear， self-distrust bows the heart and turns the spring back to dust.

　　Whether 60 or 16， there is in every human being's heart the lure of wonder， the unfailing childlike appetite of what's ne_t and the joy of the game of living. In the center of your heart and my heart there is a wireless station: so long as it receives messages of beauty， hope， cheer， courage and power from men and from the Infinite， so long are you young.

　　When the aerials are down， and your spirit is covered with snows of cynicism and the ice of pessimism， then you are grown old， even at 20， but as long as your aerials are up， to catch waves of optimism， there is hope you may die young at 80.

名人經(jīng)典的演講稿3

　　i once came across an american tourist. she said, “china has a history of five

　　thousand years, but the us only has a history of 200 years. five thousand years ago,

　　china took the lead in the world, and now it is the us that is leading.”my heart

　　was deeply touched by these words. it is true that were still a developing nation,

　　but it doesnt mean that we can despise (鄙視) ourselves. we have such a long-standing

　　history, we have such abundant resources, we have such intelligent and diligent people,

　　and we have enough to be proud of.

名人經(jīng)典的演講稿4

　　親愛(ài)的同學(xué)們，大家好！

　　《名人傳》由法國(guó)著名作家羅曼·羅蘭的《貝多芬傳》、《米開(kāi)朗琪羅傳》和《托爾斯泰傳》組成，它們均創(chuàng)作于二十世紀(jì)初期，無(wú)論在當(dāng)時(shí)是在后世都產(chǎn)生了廣泛的影響。在這三部傳記中，羅曼·羅蘭是緊緊把握住這三位擁有各自領(lǐng)域的藝術(shù)家的共同之處，著力刻畫(huà)了他們?yōu)樽非笳嫔泼蓝�長(zhǎng)期忍受苦難的心路歷程。

　　書(shū)中寫(xiě)了三個(gè)世界上赫赫有名的人物。第一個(gè)是德國(guó)作曲家：貝多芬；另一個(gè)是意大利的天才雕刻家：米開(kāi)朗基羅；最后一個(gè)是俄羅斯名作家：托爾斯泰。

　　《名人傳》又能給予我們什么呢？在一個(gè)物質(zhì)生活極度豐富而精神生活相對(duì)貧弱的時(shí)代，在一個(gè)人們躲避崇高、告別崇高而自甘平庸的社會(huì)里，《名人傳》給予我們的也許更多是尷尬，因?yàn)檫@些巨人的.生涯就像一面明鏡，使我們的卑劣與渺小纖毫畢現(xiàn)。在《米開(kāi)朗琪羅傳》的結(jié)尾，羅曼·羅蘭說(shuō)，偉大的心魂有如崇山峻嶺，“我不說(shuō)普通的人類都能在高峰上生存。但一年一度他們應(yīng)上去頂禮。在那里，他們可以變換一下肺中的呼吸，與脈管中的血流。在那里，他們將感到更迫近永恒。以后，他們?cè)倩氐饺松�的廣原，心中充滿了日常戰(zhàn)斗的勇氣”。對(duì)于我們的時(shí)代，這實(shí)才是真言。《名人傳》印證了一句中國(guó)人的古訓(xùn)：古今之成大事業(yè)者，非惟有超世之才，亦必有堅(jiān)韌不拔之。貝多芬的“在傷心隱忍中找棲身”，米開(kāi)朗琪羅的“愈受苦愈使我喜歡”，托爾斯泰的“我哭泣，我痛苦，我只是欲求真理”，無(wú)不表明偉大的人生就是一場(chǎng)無(wú)休無(wú)止的戰(zhàn)斗。我們的時(shí)代千變?nèi)f化，充滿機(jī)遇，我們渴望成功，但我們卻不想奮斗。我們要的是一夜成名。浮躁和急功近利或許會(huì)使我們?nèi)〉脮一ㄒ滑F(xiàn)的成就，但絕不能讓我們躋身人類中的不朽者之列。因此，讀讀《名人傳》也許會(huì)讓我們清醒一些。

名人經(jīng)典的演講稿5

　　Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower,

　　Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:

　　We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom --

　　symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as

　　change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath

　　our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

　　The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power

　　to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the

　　same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man e not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

　　We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been mitted, and to which we are mitted today at home and around the world.

　　Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the suess of liberty. This much we pledge -- and more.

　　To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. To those new states whom we wele to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

　　As Americans gather to celebrate this week, we show our gratitude for the many blessings in our lives. We are grateful for our friends and families who fill our lives with purpose and love. Were grateful for our beautiful country, and for the prosperity we enjoy. Were grateful for the chance to live, work and worship in freedom. And in this Thanksgiving week, we offer thanks and praise to the As Americans gather to celebrate this week, we show our gratitude for the many blessings in our lives. We are grateful for our friends and families who fill our lives with purpose and love. Were grateful for our beautiful country, and for the prosperity we enjoy. Were grateful for the chance to live, work and worship in freedom. And in this Thanksgiving week, we offer thanks and praise to the provider of all these gifts, Almighty God.

　　We also recognize our duty to share our blessings with the least among us. Throughout the holiday season, schools, churches, synagogues and other generous organizations gather food and clothing for their neighbors in need. Many young people give part of their holiday to volunteer at homeless shelters or food pantries. On Thanksgiving, and on every day of the year, America is a more hopeful nation because of the volunteers who serve the weak and the vulnerable.

　　The Thanksgiving tradition of passion and humility dates back to the earliest days of our society. And through the years, our deepest gratitude has often been inspired by the most difficult times. Almost four centuries ago, the pilgrims set aside time to thank God after suffering through a bitter winter. George Washington held Thanksgiving during a trying stay at Valley Forge. And President Lincoln revived the Thanksgiving tradition in the midst of a civil war.

　　The past year has brought many challenges to our nation, and Americans have met every one with energy, optimism and faith. After lifting our economy from a recession, manufacturers and entrepreneurs are creating jobs again. Volunteers from across the country came together to help hurricane victims rebuild. And when the children of Beslan, Russia suffered a brutal terrorist attack, the world saw Americas generous heart in an outpouring of passion and relief.

　　The greatest challenges of our time have e to the men and women who protect our nation. Were fortunate to have dedicated firefighters and police officers to keep our streets safe. Were grateful for the homeland security and intelligence personnel who spend long hours on faithful watch. And we give thanks to the men and women of our military who are serving with courage and skill, and making our entire nation proud.

　　I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition. Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears, and true to our founding documents. So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.

　　That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching work of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; s shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our pla.

　　These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land — a nagging fear that Americas decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights. Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America — they will be met.

　　On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord. On this day, we e to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.

　　We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has e to set aside childish things. The time has e to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness. In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted — for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things — some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

　　For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.

　　For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth. For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.

　　Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.

　　This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions — that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.

　　For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act — not only to create new s, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our merce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technologys wonders to raise health cares quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. All this we will do.

　　Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions — who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to mon purpose, and necessity to courage.

　　What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them — that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works — whether it helps families find s at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. Those of us who manage the publics dollars will be held to aount — to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day — because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.

　　Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control — and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The suess of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart — not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our mon good. As for our mon defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our founding fathers ... our found fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expediences sake. And so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.

　　Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and munism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.

名人經(jīng)典的演講稿6

　　今天，我給大家推薦的名人是諾瓦克·德約科維奇。他是塞爾維亞網(wǎng)球運(yùn)動(dòng)員，曾排名世界第一。2011年，他成首位撼動(dòng)費(fèi)納壟斷而登上世界第一寶座的球員，被稱為“費(fèi)納時(shí)代的終結(jié)者”。

　　從我開(kāi)始關(guān)注網(wǎng)球，眼前就一直少不了德約科維奇的身影。2011年是他崛起的一年，就在這一年，他贏得了三個(gè)大滿貫冠軍，五個(gè)大師賽桂冠，賽季初41連勝，對(duì)納達(dá)爾的決賽六連勝。

　　當(dāng)大家為這位天才運(yùn)動(dòng)員的'成績(jī)而驚嘆時(shí)，我卻更為他強(qiáng)烈的愛(ài)國(guó)精神而折服。在戰(zhàn)火中成長(zhǎng)起來(lái)的他對(duì)自己的祖國(guó)塞爾維亞有著極深的感情。初入網(wǎng)壇時(shí)，多國(guó)曾對(duì)他拋出橄欖枝。尤其是2007年，小德的母親對(duì)他被邀請(qǐng)加入英國(guó)籍的事很感興趣，并表示換國(guó)籍不是因?yàn)閷?duì)塞爾維亞失去了感情，而是想小德的弟弟們有一個(gè)更好的訓(xùn)練環(huán)境，對(duì)于小德將來(lái)獲得更好的贊助商和發(fā)展空間也有好處。但最終小德沒(méi)有放棄塞爾維亞國(guó)籍，并在倫敦奧運(yùn)會(huì)上成為塞爾維亞代表隊(duì)的旗手。

　　請(qǐng)記住他，德約科維奇，一個(gè)愛(ài)國(guó)的塞爾維亞網(wǎng)球運(yùn)動(dòng)員。

名人經(jīng)典的演講稿7

　　Do you like dancing?

　　One of my classmates likes dancing very much. She hasbeen studying dance for ten years, she has studied national dance and ballet,and dance has made her an elegant girl. She had a teacher who taught her todance because she wanted to go to college by dancing. I like dancing, too, but Ilike street dance. I like watching street dance shows very much, such as "thisis street dance", I think street dance is very cool, can make a person veryattractive, and street dance spread love and peace, which is verymeaningful.

名人經(jīng)典的演講稿8

　　尊敬的主席先生，尊敬的獲獎(jiǎng)?wù)撸�女士們，先生們�?/p>

　　今天我極為榮幸能在卡羅林斯卡學(xué)院講演，我報(bào)告的題目是：青蒿素——中醫(yī)藥給世界的一份禮物

　　在報(bào)告之前，我首先要感謝諾貝爾獎(jiǎng)評(píng)委會(huì)，諾貝爾獎(jiǎng)基金會(huì)授予我20xx年生理學(xué)或醫(yī)學(xué)獎(jiǎng)。這不僅是授予我個(gè)人的榮譽(yù)，也是對(duì)全體中國(guó)科學(xué)家團(tuán)隊(duì)的嘉獎(jiǎng)和鼓勵(lì)。在短短的幾天里，我深深地感受到了瑞典人民的熱情，在此我一并表示感謝。

　　謝謝William C. Campbell（威廉姆.坎貝爾）和Satoshi ōmura（大村智）二位剛剛所做的精彩報(bào)告。我現(xiàn)在要說(shuō)的是四十年前，在艱苦的環(huán)境下，中國(guó)科學(xué)家努力奮斗從中醫(yī)藥中尋找抗瘧新藥的故事。

　　關(guān)于青蒿素的發(fā)現(xiàn)過(guò)程，大家可能已經(jīng)在很多報(bào)道中看到過(guò)。在此，我只做一個(gè)概要的介紹。這是中醫(yī)研究院抗瘧藥研究團(tuán)隊(duì)當(dāng)年的簡(jiǎn)要工作總結(jié)，其中藍(lán)底標(biāo)示的是本院團(tuán)隊(duì)完成的工作，白底標(biāo)示的是全國(guó)其他協(xié)作團(tuán)隊(duì)完成的工作。 藍(lán)底向白底過(guò)渡標(biāo)示既有本院也有協(xié)作單位參加的工作。

　　中藥研究所團(tuán)隊(duì)于1969年開(kāi)始抗瘧中藥研究。經(jīng)過(guò)大量的反復(fù)篩選工作后，1971年起工作重點(diǎn)集中于中藥青蒿。又經(jīng)過(guò)很多次失敗后，1971年9月，重新設(shè)計(jì)了提取方法，改用低溫提取，用乙醚回流或冷浸，而后用堿溶液除掉酸性部位的方法制備樣品。1971年10月4日，青蒿乙醚中性提取物，即標(biāo)號(hào)191#的樣品，以1.0克/公斤體重的劑量，連續(xù)3天，口服給藥，鼠瘧藥效評(píng)價(jià)顯示

　　抑制率達(dá)到100％。同年12月到次年1月的猴瘧實(shí)驗(yàn)，也得到了抑制率100% 的結(jié)果。青蒿乙醚中性提取物抗瘧藥效的突破，是發(fā)現(xiàn)青蒿素的關(guān)鍵。

　　1972年8至10月，我們開(kāi)展了青蒿乙醚中性提取物的臨床研究，30例惡性瘧和間日瘧病人全部顯效。同年11月，從該部位中成功分離得到抗瘧有效單體化合物的結(jié)晶，后命名為“青蒿素”。

　　1972年12月開(kāi)始對(duì)青蒿素的化學(xué)結(jié)構(gòu)進(jìn)行探索，通過(guò)元素分析、光譜測(cè)定、質(zhì)譜及旋光分析等技術(shù)手段，確定化合物分子式為C15H22O5，分子量282。明確了青蒿素為不含氮的倍半萜類化合物。

　　1973年4月27日，經(jīng)中國(guó)醫(yī)學(xué)科學(xué)院藥物研究所分析化學(xué)室進(jìn)一步復(fù)核了分子式等有關(guān)數(shù)據(jù)。1974年起，與中國(guó)科學(xué)院上海有機(jī)化學(xué)研究所和生物物理所相繼開(kāi)展了青蒿素結(jié)構(gòu)協(xié)作研究的工作。最終經(jīng)X光衍射確定了青蒿素的結(jié)構(gòu)。確認(rèn)青蒿素是含有過(guò)氧基的新型倍半萜內(nèi)酯。立體結(jié)構(gòu)于1977年在中國(guó)的科學(xué)通報(bào)發(fā)表，并被化學(xué)文摘收錄。

　　1973年起，為研究青蒿素結(jié)構(gòu)中的功能基團(tuán)而制備衍生物。經(jīng)硼氫化鈉還原反應(yīng)，證實(shí)青蒿素結(jié)構(gòu)中羰基的存在，發(fā)明了雙氫青蒿素。經(jīng)構(gòu)效關(guān)系研究：明確青蒿素結(jié)構(gòu)中的過(guò)氧基團(tuán)是抗瘧活性基團(tuán)，部分雙氫青蒿素羥基衍生物的鼠瘧效價(jià)也有所提高。

　　這里展示了青蒿素及其衍生物雙氫青蒿素、蒿甲醚、青蒿琥酯、蒿乙醚的分子結(jié)構(gòu)。直到現(xiàn)在，除此類型之外，其他結(jié)構(gòu)類型的青蒿素衍生物還沒(méi)有用于臨床的報(bào)道。

　　1986年，青蒿素獲得了衛(wèi)生部新藥證書(shū)。于1992年再獲得雙氫青蒿素新藥證書(shū)。該藥臨床藥效高于青蒿素10倍，進(jìn)一步體現(xiàn)了青蒿素類藥物“高效、速效、低毒”的特點(diǎn)。

　　1981年，世界衛(wèi)生組織、世界銀行、聯(lián)合國(guó)計(jì)劃開(kāi)發(fā)署在北京聯(lián)合召開(kāi)瘧疾化療科學(xué)工作組第四次會(huì)議，有關(guān)青蒿素及其臨床應(yīng)用的一系列報(bào)告在會(huì)上引發(fā)熱烈反響。我的報(bào)告是“青蒿素的化學(xué)研究”。上世紀(jì)80年代，數(shù)千例中國(guó)的瘧疾患者得到青蒿素及其衍生物的有效治療。

　　聽(tīng)完這段介紹，大家可能會(huì)覺(jué)得這不過(guò)是一段普通的藥物發(fā)現(xiàn)過(guò)程。但是，當(dāng)年從在中國(guó)已有兩千多年沿用歷史的中藥青蒿中發(fā)掘出青蒿素的歷程卻相當(dāng)艱辛。

　　目標(biāo)明確、堅(jiān)持信念是成功的前提。1969年，中醫(yī)科學(xué)院中藥研究所參加全國(guó)“523”抗擊瘧疾研究項(xiàng)目。經(jīng)院領(lǐng)導(dǎo)研究決定，我被指令負(fù)責(zé)並組建“523”項(xiàng)目課題組，承擔(dān)抗瘧中藥的研發(fā)。這一項(xiàng)目在當(dāng)時(shí)屬于保密的重點(diǎn)軍工項(xiàng)目。對(duì)于一個(gè)年輕科研人員，有機(jī)會(huì)接受如此重任，我體會(huì)到了國(guó)家對(duì)我的信任，深感責(zé)任重大，任務(wù)艱巨。我決心不辱使命，努力拼搏，盡全力完成任務(wù)！

　　學(xué)科交叉為研究發(fā)現(xiàn)成功提供了準(zhǔn)備。這是我剛到中藥研究所的照片，左側(cè)是著名生藥學(xué)家樓之岑，他指導(dǎo)我鑒別藥材。從1959年到1962年，我參加西醫(yī)學(xué)習(xí)中醫(yī)班，系統(tǒng)學(xué)習(xí)了中醫(yī)藥知識(shí)。化學(xué)家路易˙帕斯特說(shuō)過(guò)“機(jī)會(huì)垂青有準(zhǔn)備的人”。古語(yǔ)說(shuō)：凡是過(guò)去，皆為序曲。然而，序曲就是一種準(zhǔn)備。當(dāng)抗瘧項(xiàng)目給我機(jī)遇的時(shí)候，西學(xué)中的序曲為我從事青蒿素研究提供了良好的`準(zhǔn)備。

　　信息收集、準(zhǔn)確解析是研究發(fā)現(xiàn)成功的基礎(chǔ)。接受任務(wù)后，我收集整理歷代中醫(yī)藥典籍，走訪名老中醫(yī)并收集他們用于防治瘧疾的方劑和中藥、同時(shí)調(diào)閱大量民間方藥。在匯集了包括植物、動(dòng)物、礦物等20xx余內(nèi)服、外用方藥的基礎(chǔ)上，編寫(xiě)了以640種中藥為主的《瘧疾單驗(yàn)方集》。正是這些信息的收集和解析鑄就了青蒿素發(fā)現(xiàn)的基礎(chǔ)，也是中藥新藥研究有別于一般植物藥研發(fā)的地方。關(guān)鍵的文獻(xiàn)啟示。當(dāng)年我面臨研究困境時(shí)，又重新溫習(xí)中醫(yī)古籍，進(jìn)一步思考東晉（公元3-4世紀(jì)）葛洪《肘后備急方》有關(guān)“青蒿一握，以水二升漬，絞取汁，盡服之”的截瘧記載。這使我聯(lián)想到提取過(guò)程可能需要避免高溫，由此改用低沸點(diǎn)溶劑的提取方法。

　　關(guān)于青蒿入藥，最早見(jiàn)于馬王堆三號(hào)漢墓的帛書(shū)《五十二病方》，其后的《神農(nóng)本草經(jīng)》、《補(bǔ)遺雷公炮制便覽》、《本草綱目》等典籍都有青蒿治病的記載。然而，古籍雖多，確都沒(méi)有明確青蒿的植物分類品種。當(dāng)年青蒿資源品種混亂，藥典收載了2個(gè)品種，還有4個(gè)其他的混淆品種也在使用。后續(xù)深入研究發(fā)現(xiàn)：僅Artemisia annua L.一種含有青蒿素，抗瘧有效。這樣客觀上就增加了發(fā)現(xiàn)青蒿素的難度。再加上青蒿素在原植物中含量并不高，還有藥用部位、產(chǎn)地、采收季節(jié)、純化工藝的影響，青蒿乙醚中性提取物的成功確實(shí)來(lái)之不易。中國(guó)傳統(tǒng)中醫(yī)藥是一個(gè)豐富的寶藏，值得我們多加思考，發(fā)掘提高。

　　在困境面前需要堅(jiān)持不懈。七十年代中國(guó)的科研條件比較差，為供應(yīng)足夠的青蒿有效部位用于臨床，我們?cè)�用水缸作為提取容器。由于缺乏通風(fēng)設(shè)備，又接觸大量有機(jī)溶劑，導(dǎo)致一些科研人員的身體健康受到了影響。為了盡快上臨床，在動(dòng)物安全性評(píng)價(jià)的基礎(chǔ)上，我和科研團(tuán)隊(duì)成員自身服用有效部位提取物，以確

　　保臨床病人的安全。當(dāng)青蒿素片劑臨床試用效果不理想時(shí)，經(jīng)過(guò)努力堅(jiān)持，深入探究原因，最終查明是崩解度的問(wèn)題。改用青蒿素單體膠囊，從而及時(shí)證實(shí)了青蒿素的抗瘧療效。

　　團(tuán)隊(duì)精神，無(wú)私合作加速科學(xué)發(fā)現(xiàn)轉(zhuǎn)化成有效藥物。1972年3月8日，全國(guó)523辦公室在南京召開(kāi)抗瘧藥物專業(yè)會(huì)議，我代表中藥所在會(huì)上報(bào)告了青蒿No.191提取物對(duì)鼠瘧、猴瘧的結(jié)果，受到會(huì)議極大關(guān)注。同年11月17日，在北京召開(kāi)的全國(guó)會(huì)議上，我報(bào)告了30例臨床全部顯效的結(jié)果。從此，拉開(kāi)了青蒿抗瘧研究全國(guó)大協(xié)作的序幕。

　　今天，我再次衷心感謝當(dāng)年從事523抗瘧研究的中醫(yī)科學(xué)院團(tuán)隊(duì)全體成員，銘記他們?cè)谇噍锼匮芯俊�發(fā)現(xiàn)與應(yīng)用中的積極投入與突出貢獻(xiàn)。感謝全國(guó)523項(xiàng)目單位的通力協(xié)作，包括山東省中藥研究所、云南省藥物研究所、中國(guó)科學(xué)院生物物理所、中國(guó)科學(xué)院上海有機(jī)所、廣州中醫(yī)藥大學(xué)以及軍事醫(yī)學(xué)科學(xué)院等，我衷心祝賀協(xié)作單位同行們所取得的多方面成果，以及對(duì)瘧疾患者的熱誠(chéng)服務(wù)。對(duì)于全國(guó)523辦公室在組織抗瘧項(xiàng)目中的不懈努力，在此表示誠(chéng)摯的敬意。沒(méi)有大家無(wú)私合作的團(tuán)隊(duì)精神，我們不可能在短期內(nèi)將青蒿素貢獻(xiàn)給世界。

　　瘧疾對(duì)于世界公共衛(wèi)生依然是個(gè)嚴(yán)重挑戰(zhàn)。WHO總干事陳馮富珍在談到控制瘧疾時(shí)有過(guò)這樣的評(píng)價(jià)，在減少瘧疾病例與死亡方面，全球范圍內(nèi)正在取得的成績(jī)給我們留下了深刻印象。雖然如此，據(jù)統(tǒng)計(jì)，全球97個(gè)國(guó)家與地區(qū)的33億人口仍在遭遇瘧疾的威脅，其中12億人生活在高危區(qū)域，這些區(qū)域的患病率有可能高于1/1000。統(tǒng)計(jì)數(shù)據(jù)表明，20xx年全球瘧疾患者約為1億9千8百萬(wàn)，瘧疾導(dǎo)致的死亡人數(shù)約為58萬(wàn)，其中78%是5歲以下的兒童。90%的瘧

名人經(jīng)典的演講稿9

　　我今天的名言來(lái)自畢淑敏，這句話是：幸福并不與財(cái)富地位聲望婚姻同步，這只是你心靈的感覺(jué)。

　　幸福是一種感覺(jué)，它不取決于人們的生活狀態(tài)，而取決于人的心態(tài)。可以說(shuō)，一個(gè)人的心態(tài)決定了他能不能獲得幸福。幸福的感覺(jué)是一種心靈的震顫，即使當(dāng)我們一無(wú)所有的時(shí)候，我們也可以大聲說(shuō)：“我很幸福。”因?yàn)槲覀兿嘈判腋！?/p>

　　林肯說(shuō)過(guò)：“對(duì)于大多數(shù)人來(lái)說(shuō)，他們認(rèn)定自己有多幸福，就有多幸福。”對(duì)于海倫凱勒來(lái)說(shuō)，三天的光明就是幸福。對(duì)于霍金來(lái)說(shuō)，健康的身體就是幸福。“山窮水盡疑無(wú)路，柳暗花明又一村”是一種幸福，“安得廣廈千萬(wàn)間，大庇天下寒士俱歡顏。”也是一種幸福。三毛在撒哈拉沙漠過(guò)著在常人看來(lái)清苦的生活，可她自己卻認(rèn)為那是人間最美好最幸福的地方，因?yàn)槟抢镉兴�的小�?zhèn)，有她的荷西，因?yàn)槟且磺袑?duì)于她來(lái)說(shuō)都是幸福，因?yàn)樗龍?jiān)信自己的.幸福。我們常常哀嘆自己的不幸，認(rèn)為自己早已被幸福遺忘，卻不知幸福一直就在我們身邊，就在你自己的心中。

　　普布利柳斯·西普思說(shuō)過(guò)：“沒(méi)有一個(gè)人是幸福的，除非他相信自己幸福。”別人所認(rèn)為的幸福并不一定是你自己的幸福，用自以為是的眼光看待別人的幸福也是錯(cuò)誤的。英國(guó)著名思想家羅素在來(lái)到中國(guó)四川游玩時(shí)，認(rèn)為自己的轎夫太辛苦了，肯定在心里抱怨自己，正想去寬慰時(shí)卻發(fā)現(xiàn)，轎夫們正有說(shuō)有笑的聊天，還不時(shí)發(fā)出快樂(lè)爽朗的大笑聲，沒(méi)有絲毫煩悶不耐的跡象，他突然對(duì)自己的胡亂猜想感到十分慚愧。是啊，坐轎子的人未必是幸福的，抬轎子的人也未必不幸福。那些能真正感到幸福的人，不是因?yàn)橥庠诘膬?yōu)越條件，而是因?yàn)樗麄儞碛幸活w健康樂(lè)觀的心靈，因?yàn)樗麄儠?huì)用這樣的心靈去體驗(yàn)幸福。

　　作家史鐵生曾寫(xiě)道：“生病的經(jīng)驗(yàn)是一步步懂得滿足。發(fā)燒了，才知道不發(fā)燒的日子多么清爽。咳嗽了，才體會(huì)不咳嗽的嗓子多么安詳。剛坐上輪椅時(shí)，我老想，不能直立行走豈不把人的特點(diǎn)搞丟了？便覺(jué)天昏地暗，等又生出褥瘡，一連數(shù)日只能歪七扭八地躺著，才看見(jiàn)端坐的日子其實(shí)多么晴朗。后來(lái)又患尿毒癥，經(jīng)常昏昏然不能思想，就更加懷戀起往日時(shí)光。終于醒悟：其實(shí)每時(shí)每刻我們都是幸運(yùn)的，任何災(zāi)難前面都可能再加上一個(gè)“更”字。幸福并不是可望不可即的海市蜃樓，它來(lái)自于你的內(nèi)心，任何事情都可以從中發(fā)現(xiàn)獨(dú)屬于自己的幸福。生活中不缺少幸福，只是缺少發(fā)現(xiàn)幸福的心。

　　一個(gè)人有怎樣的心態(tài)，就會(huì)有怎樣的世界。請(qǐng)相信，幸福只源于自己，從不關(guān)乎金錢(qián)地位，相信自己幸福，你就是最幸福的。

名人經(jīng)典的演講稿10

　　懶惰就像生銹一樣，比操勞更能消耗身體，經(jīng)常用的鑰匙總是亮閃閃的——富蘭克林

　　如果你希望成功，當(dāng)以恒心為良友，以經(jīng)驗(yàn)為參謀，以當(dāng)心為兄弟，以希望為哨兵——愛(ài)迪生

　　再好的話語(yǔ)也要你能夠做到做好才是關(guān)鍵，懂得再多不如信奉一條——并能夠做到最好——我說(shuō)的

　　不要害怕敵人，他頂多把你殺死；不要害怕朋友，他頂多把你出賣；害怕的是冷漠無(wú)情的人，他既不殺死你，也不出賣你，但是世界上之所有出賣和謀殺，只是由于他的默許

　　從外貌看來(lái)，人最高貴，狗最低賤，但圣人一致認(rèn)為；重義的狗勝于不義的人

　　最痛苦的.事情莫過(guò)我現(xiàn)在正痛苦著,最快樂(lè)的事情莫過(guò)于我現(xiàn)在正快樂(lè)著！成長(zhǎng)屬于時(shí)間,成熟卻屬于經(jīng)歷別認(rèn)為生活是苦的,那是因?yàn)槟愠缘目鄬?shí)在太少了如果我跌倒了再?zèng)]爬起來(lái),那只能是因?yàn)槲乙央x開(kāi)了這世界

　　別以為你爬上了樹(shù)尖就能離月亮更近,其實(shí)那時(shí)你已永遠(yuǎn)都不可能到達(dá)月亮！→《師兄的透境》卓航DJ舞曲

　　上帝是很公平的，付出多少得到多少！

　　人生如戲，戲如人生，人生就是白紙，讓自己不斷的去創(chuàng)新和發(fā)揮相信自己相信人生

　　只要不停電，QQ就在線有時(shí)候時(shí)間會(huì)變成監(jiān)牢，記憶會(huì)變成可怕的刑法你可以像豬那樣生活，但你永遠(yuǎn)不能像豬那樣快樂(lè)

　　別人可以為你選擇未來(lái)、但決定權(quán)只在你手里！

　　俗話說(shuō)人不范我，我不范人可俗話還說(shuō)，先下手為強(qiáng)后下手遭秧，俗話說(shuō)，好馬不吃回頭草，可俗話還說(shuō)，浪子回頭金不換…等等、很有意思值得深思

名人經(jīng)典的演講稿11

　　親愛(ài)的同學(xué)們，大家好！

　　《名人傳》是這學(xué)期要看的名著。雖然看得很倉(cāng)促，但還是看完了。看完之后讓人感慨很深。

　　貝多芬，在悲傷與痛苦中掙扎生存。一生都處在苦難中。可他還是頑強(qiáng)的活著，就算身無(wú)分文、生活無(wú)以為濟(jì)，也不會(huì)向貴族向他人搖尾乞憐直到他生命的最后一刻依然如此。

　　米開(kāi)朗琪羅，他一生中大部分時(shí)間都在為那些權(quán)貴工作，無(wú)論是愿意或不愿意。雖然是被迫，但他依然認(rèn)真地工作，并無(wú)怨言。他為之工作的不是權(quán)貴，而是心中的藝術(shù)。

　　列夫·托爾斯泰，雖然身為貴族，但毅然反對(duì)階級(jí)制度。雖不被任何人理解，但他那開(kāi)明的思想成為不朽的.名著存留于世。

　　《名人傳》中的三個(gè)人物的精神都是偉大的，但也給人帶來(lái)了思考。是理想重要還是生存重要。

　　試問(wèn)，你若光榮的死去？亦或卑劣的生存？

名人經(jīng)典的演講稿12

　　Harry S. Truman: "The Truman Doctrine" Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Congress of the United States: The gravity of the situation which confronts the world today necessitates my appearance before a joint session of the Congress. The foreign policy and the national security of this country are involved. One aspect of the present situation, which I present to you at this time for your consideration and decision, concerns Greece and Turkey. The United States has received from the Greek Government an urgent appeal for financial and economic assistance. Preliminary reports from the American Economic Mission now in Greece and reports from the American Ambassador in Greece corroborate the statement of the Greek Government that assistance is imperative if Greece is to survive as a free nation. I do not believe that the American people and the Congress wish to turn a deaf ear to the appeal of the Greek Government. Greece is not a rich country. Lack of sufficient natural resources has always forced the Greek people to work hard to make both ends meet. Since 1940, this industrious, peace loving country has suffered invasion, four years of cruel enemy occupation, and bitter internal strife. When forces of liberation entered Greece they found that the retreating Germans had destroyed virtually all the railways, roads, port facilities, communications, and merchant marine. More than a thousand villages had been burned. Eighty-five per cent of the children were tubercular. Livestock, poultry, and draft animals had almost disappeared. Inflation had wiped out practically all savings. As a result of these tragic conditions, a militant minority, exploiting human want and misery, was able to create political chaos which, until now, has made economic recovery impossible. Greece is today without funds to finance the importation of those goods which are essential to bare subsistence. Under these circumstances, the people of Greece cannot make progress in solving their problems of reconstruction. Greece is in desperate need of financial and economic assistance to enable it to resume purchases of food, clothing, fuel, and seeds. These are indispensable for the subsistence of its people and are obtainable only from abroad. Greece must have help to import the goods necessary to restore internal order and security, so essential for economic and political recovery. The Greek Government has also asked for the assistance of experienced American administrators, economists, and technicians to insure that the financial and other aid given to Greece shall be used effectively in creating a stable and self-sustaining economy and in improving its public administration. The very existence of the Greek state is today threatened by the terrorist activities of several thousand armed men, led by Communists, who defy the government's authority at a number of points, particularly along the northern boundaries. A Commission appointed by the United Nations security Council is at present investigating disturbed conditions in northern Greece and alleged border violations along the frontiers between Greece on the one hand and Albania, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia on the other. Meanwhile, the Greek Government is unable to cope with the situation. The Greek army is small and poorly equipped. It needs supplies and equipment if it is to restore authority of the government throughout Greek territory. Greece must have assistance if it is to become a self-supporting and self-respecting democracy. The United States must supply this assistance. We have already extended to Greece certain types of relief and economic aid. But these are inadequate. There is no other country to which democratic Greece can turn. No other nation is willing and able to provide the necessary support for a democratic Greek government. The British Government, which has been helping Greece, can give no further financial or economic aid after March 31st. Great Britain finds itself under the necessity of reducing or liquidating its commitments in several parts of the world, including Greece. We have considered how the United Nations might assist in this crisis. But the situation is an urgent one, requiring immediate action, and the United Nations and its related organizations are not in a position to extend help of the kind that is required. It is important to note that the Greek Government has asked for our aid in utilizing effectively the financial and other assistance we may give to Greece, and in improving its public administration. It is of the utmost importance that we supervise the use of any funds made available to Greece in such a manner that each dollar spent will count toward making Greece self-supporting, and will help to build an economy in which a healthy democracy can flourish. No government is perfect. One of the chief virtues of a democracy, however, is that its defects are always visible and under democratic processes can be pointed out and corrected. The Government of Greece is not perfect. Nevertheless it represents eighty-five per cent of the members of the Greek Parliament who were chosen in an election last year. Foreign observers, including 692 Americans, considered this election to be a fair expression of the views of the Greek people. The Greek Government has been operating in an atmosphere of chaos and extremism. It has made mistakes. The extension of aid by this country does not mean that the United States condones everything that the Greek Government has done or will do. We have condemned in the past, and we condemn now, extremist measures of the right or the left. We have in the past advised tolerance, and we advise tolerance now. Greek's neighbor, Turkey, also deserves our attention. The future of Turkey, as an independent and economically sound state, is clearly no less important to the freedom-loving peoples of the world than the future of Greece. The circumstances in which Turkey finds itself today are considerably different from those of Greece. Turkey has been spared the disasters that have beset Greece. And during the war, the United States and Great Britain furnished Turkey with material aid. Nevertheless, Turkey now needs our support. Since the war, Turkey has sought financial assistance from Great Britain and the United States for the purpose of effecting that modernization necessary for the maintenance of its national integrity. That integrity is essential to the preservation of order in the Middle East. The British government has informed us that, owing to its own difficulties, it can no longer extend financial or economic aid to Turkey. As in the case of Greece, if Turkey is to have the assistance it needs, the United States must supply it. We are the only country able to provide that help. I am fully aware of the broad implications involved if the United States extends assistance to Greece and Turkey, and I shall discuss these implications with you at this time. One of the primary objectives of the foreign policy of the United States is the creation of conditions in which we and other nations will be able to work out a way of life free from coercion. This was a fundamental issue in the war with Germany and Japan. Our victory was won over countries which sought to impose their will, and their way of life, upon other nations. To ensure the peaceful development of nations, free from coercion, the United States has taken a leading part in establishing the United Nations. The United Nations is designed to make possible lasting freedom and independence for all its members. We shall not realize our objectives, however, unless we are willing to help free peoples to maintain their free institutions and their national integrity against aggressive movements that seek to impose upon them totalitarian regimes. This is no more than a frank recognition that totalitarian regimes imposed upon free peoples, by direct or indirect aggression, undermine the foundations of international peace, and hence the security of the United States. The peoples of a number of countries of the world have recently had totalitarian regimes forced upon them against their will. The Government of the United States has made frequent protests against coercion and intimidation in violation of the Yalta agreement in Poland, Rumania, and Bulgaria. I must also state that in a number of other countries there have been similar developments.

　　At the present moment in world history nearly every nation must choose between alternative ways of life. The choice is too often not a free one. One way of life is based upon the will of the majority, and is distinguished by free institutions, representative government, free elections, guarantees of individual liberty, freedom of speech and religion, and freedom from political oppression. The second way of life is based upon the will of a minority forcibly imposed upon the majority. It relies upon terror and oppression, a controlled press and radio, fixed elections, and the suppression of personal freedoms. I believe that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures. I believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own destinies in their own way. I believe that our help should be primarily through economic and financial aid which is essential to economic stability and orderly political processes. The world is not static, and the status quo is not sacred. But we cannot allow changes in the status quo in violation of the Charter of the United Nations by such methods as coercion, or by such subterfuges as political infiltration. In helping free and independent nations to maintain their freedom, the United States will be giving effect to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. It is necessary only to glance at a map to realize that the survival and integrity of the Greek nation are of grave importance in a much wider situation. If Greece should fall under the control of an armed minority, the effect upon its neighbor, Turkey, would be immediate and serious. Confusion and disorder might well spread throughout the entire Middle East. Moreover, the disappearance of Greece as an independent state would have a profound effect upon those countries in Europe whose peoples are struggling against great difficulties to maintain their freedoms and their independence while they repair the damages of war. It would be an unspeakable tragedy if these countries, which have struggled so long against overwhelming odds, should lose that victory for which they sacrificed so much. Collapse of free institutions and loss of independence would be disastrous not only for them but for the world. Discouragement and possibly failure would quickly be the lot of neighboring peoples striving to maintain their freedom and independence. Should we fail to aid Greece and Turkey in this fateful hour, the effect will be far reaching to the West as well as to the East. We must take immediate and resolute action. I therefore ask the Congress to provide authority for assistance to Greece and Turkey in the amount of $400,000,000 for the period ending June 30, 1948. In requesting these funds, I have taken into consideration the maximum amount of relief assistance which would be furnished to Greece out of the $350,000,000 which I recently requested that the Congress authorize for the prevention of starvation and suffering in countries devastated by the war. In addition to funds, I ask the Congress to authorize the detail of American civilian and military personnel to Greece and Turkey, at the request of those countries, to assist in the tasks of reconstruction, and for the purpose of supervising the use of such financial and material assistance as may be furnished. I recommend that authority also be provided for the instruction and training of selected Greek and Turkish personnel. Finally, I ask that the Congress provide authority which will permit the speediest and most effective use, in terms of needed commodities, supplies, and equipment, of such funds as may be authorized. If further funds, or further authority, should be needed for purposes indicated in this message, I shall not hesitate to bring the situation before the Congress. On this subject the Executive and Legislative branches of the Government must work together. This is a serious course upon which we embark. I would not recommend it except that the alternative is much more serious. The United States contributed $341,000,000,000 toward winning World War II. This is an investment in world freedom and world peace. The assistance that I am recommending for Greece and Turkey amounts to little more than 1 tenth of 1 per cent of this investment. It is only common sense that we should safeguard this investment and make sure that it was not in vain. The seeds of totalitarian regimes are nurtured by misery and want. They spread and grow in the evil soil of poverty and strife. They reach their full growth when the hope of a people for a better life has died. We must keep that hope alive. The free peoples of the world look to us for support in maintaining their freedoms. If we falter in our leadership, we may endanger the peace of the world. And we shall surely endanger the welfare of this nation. Great responsibilities have been placed upon us by the swift movement of events. I am confident that the Congress will face these responsibilities squarely.

名人經(jīng)典的演講稿13

　　One of my father’s greatest talents is the ability to see potential in people, before they see it in themselves. It was like that for us to growing up. He taught us that potential vanishes into nothing without like him, we each had a responsibility to work, not just for ourselves but for the betterment of the world around the years, on too many occasions to count, I saw my father tear stories out of the newspaper about people whom he had never met, who were facing some injustice or ’d write a note to his assistant, in a signature black，felt-tip pen, and request that the person be found and invited to Trump Tower to meet with him. He would talk to them and then draw upon his extensive network to find them a job or get them a break. And they would leave his office, as people so often do after having been with Donald Trump, feeling that life could be great again.

名人經(jīng)典的演講稿14

　　Every era has its defining struggle and the fate of Africa is one of ours. It's not the only one, but in the history books it's easily going to make the top five--what we did or what we did not do. It's a proving ground, as I said earlier, for the idea of equality. But whether it's this or something else, I hope you'll pick a fight and get in it. Get your boots dirty. Get rough. Steel your courge with a final drink there at Smoky Joe's, one last primal scream and go.

　　每一個(gè)時(shí)代都有其特定的斗爭(zhēng)使命，而我們的一個(gè)使命就是改變非洲的命運(yùn)。這不是我們的使命，但無(wú)論是對(duì)我們已經(jīng)解決的或尚未解決的困難來(lái)說(shuō)，這都會(huì)很容易被歷史列為五大挑戰(zhàn)之一。正如我之前說(shuō)過(guò)的，非洲是平等理念的試驗(yàn)場(chǎng)。不管是什么原因，我都希望你們掀起這場(chǎng)斗爭(zhēng)并為之奮斗。去感受苦難，去磨練你們的意志，在斯莫基喬酒吧再飲上最后一杯，大喊一聲，然后踏上征程，去錘煉你們的.意志吧。

　　Sing the melody line you hear in your own head. Remember, you don't owe anybody any explanations. You don't owe your parents any explanations. You don't owe your professors any explanations. You know, I used to think that the future was solid, or fixed, or something you inherited like an old building that you move into when the previous generation moves out or gets chased out. But it's not. The future is not fixed. It's fluid. You can build your own buildings, or hut or condo, whatever. This is the metaphor part of the speech by the way.

　　唱出你心中最美的樂(lè)曲！記住，你無(wú)須向任何人解釋，你無(wú)須向父母做出解釋，你也無(wú)須向你的教授做出任何解釋。我曾經(jīng)認(rèn)為未來(lái)是注定的，一成不變的，就像繼承一座老房子，上一代搬出去或被逐出去，你們就可以搬進(jìn)去。但事實(shí)并非如此。未來(lái)并非一成不變，而是可以改變的。你們可以建造自己的大樓或小棚子或公寓。順便說(shuō)一下，這只是今天致辭中的暗喻。

　　But my point is that the world is more malleable than you think and it's waiting for you to hammer it into shape. Now if I were a folksinger I'd immediately launch into "If I Had a Hammer" right now, get you all singing and swaying. But as I say I come from punk rock, so I'd rather have the bloody hammer right here in my fist. That's what this degree of yours is, a blunt instrument. So go forth and build something with it. And remember what John Adams said about Ben Franklin, "He does not hestitate at our boldest measures but rather seems to think us too irresolute."

　　但我要說(shuō)的是，世界比你們想象的更具可塑性，它正等待著你們把它塑造成形。現(xiàn)在，如果我是一名民間歌手，我就會(huì)立即開(kāi)始唱《假如我有一把鐵錘》，帶領(lǐng)你們一起唱，一起跳。但如我所言，我是朋克樂(lè)隊(duì)的一名歌手，我寧愿手中握著一把帶血的鐵錘。你們的學(xué)位不過(guò)算是一把不算鋒利的武器，所以，向前沖吧！用它去鑄造未來(lái)！記住約翰·亞當(dāng)對(duì)本·富蘭克林的評(píng)價(jià)：“對(duì)于我們最勇敢的行動(dòng)，他毫不猶豫地響應(yīng)，而且似乎認(rèn)為我們過(guò)于優(yōu)柔寡斷了。”

　　Well this is the time for bold measures. And this is the country. And you are the generation. Thank you. Thank you very much.

　　現(xiàn)在是大膽去行動(dòng)的時(shí)候了，就在這個(gè)國(guó)家，就是你們這一代，大膽地去行動(dòng)吧！謝謝大家！非常感謝。

名人經(jīng)典的演講稿15

　　As Americans gather to celebrate this week, we show our gratitude for the many blessings in our lives. We are grateful for our friends and families who fill our lives with purpose and love. We're grateful for our beautiful country, and for the prosperity we enjoy. We're grateful for the chance to live, work and worship in freedom. And in this Thanksgiving week, we offer thanks and praise to the provider of all these gifts, Almighty God.

　　We also recognize our duty to share our blessings with the least among us. Throughout the holiday season, schools, churches, synagogues and other generous organizations gather food and clothing for their neighbors in need. Many young people give part of their holiday to volunteer at homeless shelters or food pantries. On Thanksgiving, and on every day of the year, America is a more hopeful nation because of the volunteers who serve the weak and the vulnerable.

　　The Thanksgiving tradition of compassion and humility dates back to the earliest days of our society. And through the years, our deepest gratitude has often been inspired by the most difficult times. Almost four centuries ago, the pilgrims set aside time to thank God after suffering through a bitter winter. George Washington held Thanksgiving during a trying stay at Valley Forge. And President Lincoln revived the Thanksgiving tradition in the midst of a civil war.

　　The past year has brought many challenges to our nation, and Americans have met every one with energy, optimism and faith. After lifting our economy from a recession, manufacturers and entrepreneurs are creating jobs again. Volunteers from across the country came together to help hurricane victims rebuild. And when the children of Beslan, Russia suffered a brutal terrorist attack, the world saw America's generous heart in an outpouring of compassion and relief.

　　The greatest challenges of our time have come to the men and women who protect our nation. We're fortunate to have dedicated firefighters and police officers to keep our streets safe. We're grateful for the homeland security and intelligence personnel who spend long hours on faithful watch. And we give thanks to the men and women of our military who are serving with courage and skill, and making our entire nation proud.

　　Like generations before them, today's armed forces have liberated captive peoples and shown compassion for the suffering and delivered hope to the oppressed. In the past year, they have fought the terrorists abroad so that we do not have to face those enemies here at home. They've captured a brutal dictator, aided last month's historic election in Afghanistan, and help set Iraq on the path to democracy.

　　Our progress in the war on terror has made our country safer, yet it has also brought new burdens to our military families. Many servicemen and women have endured long deployments and painful separations from home. Families have faced the challenge of raising children while praying for a loved one's safe return. America is grateful to all our military families, and the families mourning a terrible loss this Thanksgiving can know that America will honor their sacrifices forever.

　　As Commander-in-Chief, I've been honored to thank our troops at bases around the world, and I've been inspired by the efforts of private citizens to express their own gratitude. This month, I met Shauna Fleming, a 15-year-old from California who coordinated the mailing of a million thank you letters to military personnel. In October, I met Ken Porwoll, a World War II veteran who has devoted years of his retirement to volunteering at a VA medical center in Minneapolis. And we've seen the generosity of so many organizations, like Give2theTroops, a group started in a basement by a mother and son that has sent thousands of care packages to troops in the field.

　　Thanksgiving reminds us that America's true strength is the compassion and decency of our people. I thank all those who volunteer this season, and Laura and I wish every American a happy and safe Thanksgiving weekend.

　　Thank you for listening.

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